The idea that Mennonites could
chuck the church, let alone should,
would alarm many in the American Mennonist tradition, yet, perhaps it is time for them to consider the unthinkable.
The Mennonite or Mennonist church in the United States seems caught in
an ideological vise between a liberal Protestantism and a conservative
Fundamentalism. While many still
reference their Mennonite cultural heritage, fewer and fewer Mennonites from either side still embrace traditional
norms of Mennonist religious belief.
Many Russian Mennonites voice an ethnic rather than religious Mennonite
identity. Russländer often distinguish
between Mennonite Anabaptism or Mennonism and Evangelical or Russian Pietist Mennonite
faith. A few Mennonites even identify as
Mormon, Roman Catholic or even Buddhist.
A sense of confusion is thus created when groups such as the Mennonite
Central Committee (MCC) claim to represent the Mennonite faith. Does MCC represent all Mennonites or merely
Mennonist Mennonites? Who is “in” and
who is “out”? Is it more important to be
Mennonist or Mennonite? Does the fact
that both the Mennonite Brethren (MB) and the Mennonite Church – USA support
MCC mean that they maintain similar religious beliefs or church
structures? Ummmm. No. They
do not.
Withdrawal of the Sommerfeld
Mennonites from MCC-Canada calls into doubt the traditional heritage
group’s claim to be a greater Mennonite or pan-diasporaic body. According to sources, and Will Braun’s
excellent 07 Jan, 2013, article in MWR, there was minor disagreement over MCC’s
statement of belief regarding the Trinity and apparently irreconcilable
differences with MCC secular policies regarding homosexuality, the environment,
the United Nations, criticism of Israel and inter-faith dialogue with the
Islamic community. All of these are
American Fundamentalist political values representing a politicization of
cultural norms, not traditional Mennonist spiritual values.
One begins to wonder if MCC’s insistence on maintaining a religious authority consistent with
modern Mennonist religious identities and contemporary Mennonite social
realities is even possible when Russian groups such as the Sommerfeld
Mennonites seemingly define their heritage as ethnic and political rather than
in spiritual Mennonist terms.
Unless it learns to redefine itself along other lines, MCC is
increasingly becoming a specialized “religious” agency of fewer select Mennonist
church conferences, lending increasing doubt as to its long-term, independent cultural
viability. Mennonites are simply no
longer united in their spiritual values or identity. Perhaps attempting to maintain a Statement of Faith is more divisive than
essential. Perhaps MCC should be redrawn
along ethnic, linguistic and cultural lines.
We have come to an odd situation.
Mennonites are unquestionably attached to their church communities – but
what roles do belief, unified practice or even shared spiritual motivation play
in these associations? Increasingly less
and less – and it is not the fault of whom you think.
Naysayers often blame Feminists, gays and “liberals” for the decline of
faith and the church. American higher
educational ideals, changes roles of women, children and government, and increased
economic mobility probably have more impact on church numbers than do types or
amounts of faith. Historic Mennonist
churches are often cannibalized not by the Liberals, gays or feminists, but rather
by Conservative Fundamentalists. While
groups such as Pink Menno and Brethren Mennonite Council (BMC) fight
to be included, many Fundamentalist Mennonite churches (the Sommerfeld in
Canada, the Oklahoma churches in the USA) are willingly and happily chucking
their spiritual heritage identity.
I have often queried Carol Wise, director of BMC, as to whether or not her
group sees itself as serving the religious Mennonists or cultural Mennonites –
and how that understanding impacts their vision statement. In other words, are they fighting for the
secular rights and recognition of gay ethnic Mennonites? Do they see Mennonites and the Brethren as
representing a co-ethnicity? Or, are
they rather attempting to help Mennonist churches create effective outreach to
the LGBTQ community? Which identity do
they feel is more important – the LGBTQ identity or the Mennonite/Brethren
identity?
Local church congregations have and continue to form the heart of both
Mennonite and Mennonist identities.
American Mennonist congregations have long fostered a “traditional”
Mennonite understanding that one’s faith and assurance of salvation are in some
way attached to their participation in the faith community. Better said, one’s salvation is personal, but
one’s faith is communal in that it is fostered and perfected through the
interactions and mutual spiritual support or discipline of the Christian
Mennonist community.
Evangelical Mennonites understand the concept of church differently but
experience it in much the same manner.
Salvation is a personal relationship independent of the church, but the
church is necessary for instruction, fellowship and the cooperation necessary
for successful Evangelism and Missionary outreach.
Russian and Prussian Mennonites come from what is often called the Kolonie-society, meaning that many
Eastern European Mennonites trace their cultural and possibly their spiritual
values back to legally, linguistically, socially, spiritually and more-or-less
financially separated, distinctive and independent ethnic colonies in Eastern
Europe. Where it is seemingly easier for
American Mennonist Mennonites to focus on the spiritual, Russian Mennonite
culture lacks such clear-cut divisions between the church, the community, the familial,
the economic and the social.
Historically, American Mennonist youth
could reject the church and choose to merely assimilate into secular “American”
society. Prussian and Russian Mennonite
youth were legally and financially bound to the church-community (gemeinde), and specific geographic
locations. American Mennonites could be
Mennonist or not-Mennonist. Russian
Mennonites could not “not” be Mennonite and so could only choose between being
a “good” Mennonite or a “bad” one.
Historians have often pointed to this aspect of Russian Mennonite
culture to help explain how Mennonite Brethren, for instance, have retained a
strong primary ethnic Mennonite identity while differing greatly theologically from
their Mennonist spiritual cousins.
As ties between cultural or ethnic
Mennonites and Mennonist churches decline or stretch, one ponders why ethnic Mennonites
would continue to support churches with which they disagree or fail to identify
and what, if anything, those former ethnic churches owe to secular and ethnic Mennonite
culture.
Mennonist pastors and theologians would point
to the discipline of being an active member of the church as fulfilling the
traditional role of the gemeinde in
the life of the individual Mennonite. Such
philosophy is inconsistent with most Anglo-American ecclesiastical
understandings (church-ology) and with the way most contemporary American congregations
seemingly interact with or impact their membership. From the ethnic perspective, if you remove
the ethnic from the gemeinde, all you have is an advocacy group.
Traditional Mennonist church discipleship impacts the entire life, both private and
public, of the Mennonist – his or her profession, marriage, family, finances,
education and etc., to the point that the entire culture becomes unique and
different from that which surrounds the group.
At a point, the Mennonist will and must evolve into the Mennonite. This task is too complex and too complete for
the co-dependency between a religious leader and his or her congregation such as
found in modern Evangelical-style mega-churches or even the neo-Anabaptist-ish
Emergents, for it is complete and extends beyond the Sunday meeting.
True Mennonist churches tend to evolve into
ethnic-religious Mennonite communities.
Importantly, the definition of an ethno-religion seems to hinge on the status
of being “other” that is only to be found as a minority culture. Protestant religion and its low church
Evangelical forms are defined by the state subsuming the religion which becomes
its handmaiden. Anabaptism removes the
individual from the state entirely, into a distinctive and separate state of otherness, of non-belonging. The core
unifying identity of Mennonites and Mennonists is that sense of being a similar
“Other” rather than a strong sense of shared values. The traditional Russian and Evangelical
Mennonite sense of mutual obligation was that of “der Unza” not that of spiritual outreach (neither social nor
evangelistic).
In the United States, and to an only
slightly less extent in Canada, the Evangelical church, on the state-church
Protestant model, serves to organize, orientate and motivate the individual as
to their appropriate and useful participation into society. It does not serve as an alternative society
and is opposed to and suspicious of ethnic spiritualities. Interestingly, while the Sommerfelder and Alt
Kol’ny conferences are haranguing MCC over Fundamentalist
values, most American Fundamentalists view the Sommerfelder and the Alt
Kol’nier as semi-cults. That’s the ethnic
dilemma MCC needs to crack.
Increasingly assimilated, the Anabaptist or
Mennonist church in Anglo-America does not serve to alienate the believer from
society, but rather to re-orientate him or her properly into that society – conforming
even to Anglo-Anabaptist or Emergent church philosophy, which would then be
Anabaptist-like, but not truly Anabaptist, whereas Quakerism would be more akin
to traditional Anabaptism.
Rather than being shaped and defined by
Mennonite culture and heritage, the English Mennonist church is a tool of Anglo-society
for the acculturation of the Mennonite identity into the larger non-Mennonite
social structure.
In order for an authentic Mennonite
identity is to remain within the English Mennonist or English Anabaptist
(Emergent) church culture, the church must develop tools by which pressures
from the competing society are mitigated and countered, thus the ethnic social
identity.
Returning to MCC, such groups serve as a
cultural or ethnic manifestation of the “spiritual” gemeinde, bringing together various churches, faith experiences and
church philosophies (both Inglisher
and Mennonite) into a common experience based on being an outsider or ethnic. The MCC sale, VS experience and common
cultural manifestations such as the “canning truck” are ethnic menes that serve
to maintain and build-up the separate, segregated identity of a spiritual gemeinde. The gemeinde then operates on common rules
and a common statement of faith or ideals that supersede those of the
individual believer or the congregation.
To participate in these events (or in the Montana Schmekfest, the Steinbach
Heritage Village, etc.), one does not have to be ethnic, but one must behave as though one were and to see
oneself as spiritually ethnic. [American-style St Patrick’s Day celebrations
whereby everyone, rather literally,
becomes Irish for a day might be similar phenomenon.]
Those seeking to preserve a traditional
Mennonite spirituality might find it more useful to promote the secular version
of the spiritual gemeinde over that
of the American concept of the spiritual church. An increasingly diverse and culturally irrelevant church would be
relegated to a secondary position more in-line with what was arguably occurring
within the modernizing early 20th Century Russian Mennonite
tradition. Pan-Mennonite groups and
organizations could be encouraged to become more tolerant of and accessible to
a greater faith diversity amongst the diaspora in order to preserve the true
ethnic spirituality that defines and internally-self-disciplines the ethnic
Mennonite believer in the Holy Spirit of the gemeinde rather than the
secularizing spirit of the Anglo-American church.
One has the idea that the Amish service
similarly manifests the spirituality of the community rather than truly defines
the identity structure within the community.
One participates in and is included in the Amish congregation because
one is Amish and the shape, content and tenor of the worship service is such
because it is an Amish service. Amish
are not defined as Amish because they attend an Amish service, neither are
cultural Mennonites considered as Mennonite because they attend a Mennonist
service but rather, a service is considered Mennonist or Mennonite because it
reflects the ethnic community within which it is manifest, setting both the
service and the church identity as distinct from and irreconcilable with
prevailing notions of and participation in the Anglo-American concept of the
institution of church.
And that is where the MCC is
floundering. MCC is seen as shaping the
churches and its ministry to a core set of “religious” (actually often
political) values rather than reflecting the shared ethnic values of the shared
heritage or ethnic community.
Can
Mennonites survive without their churches?
Of course. Can the churches
survive without Mennonites? Maybe, but
probably not for the long-term.
True Mennonite identity forms and shapes
meaning, identity and a sense of belongingness (der Unza) incorporating the self-discipline of that belongingness
into a cultural community greater than the self. A sense of belonging lends itself to the ethnic
structure that manifests itself in the shared experience of the congregation,
not the other way around. Mennonism, properly
practiced, cannot but help establish, renew and preserve the ethnicity of the Mennonite
identity, indicating that in the North American and British contexts, Mennonite
cultural spirituality exists outside of, and perhaps despite, participation in
the concept of an Anglo-American socializing, conforming church, rending
American-style church identities less relevant to the maintenance of
traditional ethnic church identities.
In response to declining numbers, perhaps
we need to merely liberate our identity and ourselves from cultural shackles (American
church notions) we were never meant to wear.
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